Author Archives: Admin

Closing the Frontier?

The frontier is the key to all growth. Dan Henninger rightly worries we are closing it off.

The greatest danger in the current economic crisis is that the United States will lose its historic appetite for risk. The mood now is that risk-taking got us into this mess. Risk, though, is the quintessential American trait that built the nation — from the Battle of Bunker Hill to the rise of the microchip. If we let risk give way to a new ethos of commercial reserve and regulatory restriction, the upward arc of the U.S. ascendancy will flatten. Maybe it already has.

Mark to Mayhem

Brian Wesbury expands on a chief cause of the vortex that took down the U.S. financial sector.

Suspending mark-to-market accounting will not keep institutions that took excessive risk from failing. Bad loans are still bad loans and there is no way to avoid the pain that they cause. It will, however, end the negative feedback loop, which drags everyone down. It allows time to see if the wind shifts and keeps the flames from spreading.

In the 1980s, loan problems took down thousands of banks, but because we did not force fair value accounting, the economy and stock market actually thrived. Every money center bank would have been insolvent in the early 1980s if they were forced to write down Latin American debt to 10 cents on the dollar. Add in bad oil loans which took down Pen Sqaure and Continental and bad S&L loans, and it is easy to see that the bank problems in the early 1980s were much more severe than those of the 2000s. But the rules were not as inflexible as their are today. Problems did not spread, many banks eventually recovered their principle on Latin American debt and the economy grew.

In contrast, today’s problems are expanding, and have now caused the government to put almost $4 trillion of taxpayer funds at risk to support the financial system. This is an amazing sum of money, equaling 28% of GDP, or 42% of total US stock market capitalization, or more than a quarter of all household debt outstanding, or nearly 40% of all private household mortgage debt, or three times the amount of subprime loans outstanding at their peak.

The government has tried multiple strategies. The only thing they have in common is that they are designed to offset or stop the damage caused by mark-to-market accounting.

Clouds are expensive

Microsoft, having a couple weeks ago finally capitulated to the Web with the announcement of Ray Ozzie’s new Net-based strategy, now says it will build 20 new data centers at $1 billion a piece. Google is already investing some $3 billion a year on its cloud infrastructure.

Lots of people have criticized my rough estimates of a couple hundred billion in new Net investment over the next five years, saying it’s closer to $5-10 billion, and I wonder what the heck they are thinking.

Quote of the Day

“Does the government really know whether a company should be saved?”

— Oliver Hart & Luigi Zingales, December 3, 2008

Have the dollar devaluationists learned nothing?

Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson is back at it. Having presided over the debasement of the U.S. dollar, he is once again cajoling the Chinese over the value of its currency, the renminbi (or yuan). Paulson earns a few points for his semiannual Special Economic Dialogue that has facilitated U.S.-Chinese cooperation on some fronts and helped defuse some of the worst protectionist policy on both sides. But the Greenspan-Snow-Bernanke-Paulson weak dollar policy — which was in itself deeply protectionist, and ultimately highly self-destructive — utterly swamped any of Paulson’s good intentions vis-à-vis China.

Digging through some old files, I found a May 13, 2006, e-mail I wrote to a senior White House economic official, warning of the certain harmful effects of its weak-dollar policy. (I had, six months prior, met with the official in the West Wing to discuss the matter.) The morning of my e-mail, The Wall Street Journal, citing top Administration officials making clear their weak-dollar preference, had published a major story: “U.S. Goes Along With Dollar’s Fall to Ease Trade Gap,” with the subhed, “Quiet Acquiescence Holds Possible Risks for Economy; Surge in Exports in March.”

The previous week economist John Taylor, just off his post as Treasury Undersecretary, had, in another Wall Street Journal article, dismissed the views of Nobel laureate Robert Mundell and Stanford economist Ronald McKinnon. Mundell and McKinnon had been arguing against dollar weakness and urging dollar-yuan stability. Taylor’s offensive, moreover, had been previewed by yet another two articles, one from Martin Feldstein and another from Lawrence Lindsey, arguing for a “more competitive” dollar. That’s a euphemism for weak, as in competitive devaluation. (See, not supposed to happen in America).

Written in the heat of battle, I think my e-mail memo holds up pretty well:

From: Bret Swanson <bret.swanson@********.com>
Date: Sat, May 13, 2006 at 1:38 PM
Subject: stunning protectionist mercantilism
To: [senior White House official]

*** Warning: Blunt Statements to Follow ***

[senior White House official],

Even considering Treasury’s misguided currency stance these past few years, today’s news in the Journal that the White House approves of the further weakening of an already too-weak dollar is stunning and alarming. 

Using monetary policy to target the trade deficit instead of using monetary policy for its only legitimate purpose of price stability and currency stability, is massively irresponsible. The trade deficit is a mostly meaningless accounting number that if anything demonstrates the strength of the American economy, not its weakness. “Competitive devaluation” is what Third World nations did for decades. It’s what helped keep them poor. It’s what we did in the 1970s, a lost decade of malaise. In an era of globalization, currency devaluation is more damaging than ever when there is more cross-border trade and investment and a larger proportion of inputs into our final products and services come from abroad.

An already inflationary dollar will become more inflationary. Oil prices will rise further. Recession in 2007 now becomes a real possibility because the Fed will likely now overshoot on interest rates to combat inflation that they and Treasury created but which they never see until it’s too late. Why are we risking ruin of a robust economy?

The best economists I know are alarmed at the Fed’s lack of vigilance and the deepening of Treasury’s weak-dollar policy. Having now lost faith in the Fed and Treasury, these economists have changed their outlooks for the  U.S. economy from positive to negative.

Lindsey and Feldstein are 180-degrees wrong on monetary/currency/trade policy. Clearly their recent Journal articles were a set-up for this potentially disastrous currency move. John Taylor’s statements last week pooh-poohing Mundell and McKinnon — who are absolutely right on China — were equally discouraging. Not since Richard Nixon have Republicans stood for debasing the currency. It’s painful to agree with those who say this may be the most protectionist Administration since Herbert Hoover.

The U.S. Auto Companies and manufacturers want a weaker dollar — manufacturers always do — but the dominance of the Japanese auto makers is not a currency issue. Japan has just come out of a decade of deflation — the yen was way too strong, not artificially weak — exactly the opposite of what the auto makers say. Manufacturers in general face a huge challenge from China, but not because of the yuan, which is exactly in line with the dollar. The China challenge is real, not monetary. The U.S. must become more competitive via lower tax rates and less regulation. Currency is nothing but a scapegoat, and focusing on it reduces the chances we can solve our real competitive disadvantages on taxes and regulations. Because changing the unit of account cannot change the terms of trade, debasing the dollar does not make us more competitive; it makes us less competitive because it fosters inflation and possibly recession.

Furthermore, autos and manufacturing are a shrinking portion of our economy, and this misguided protectionist policy at their behest is highly damaging to the real, growing, leading edge sources of American wealth and power: our prowess in technology, finance, and entrepreneurship.

Please forgive my blunt statements. I make them with respect and concern for the success of this White House. I know you can’t comment on currency matters, but if I am overreacting or wrong on my interpretation of what appears to be happening, please let me know.

Very best,

Bret 

I then sent the following warning to a number of friends at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, who had been seeking my views:

From: Bret Swanson <bret.swanson@*******.com>
Date: Sat, May 13, 2006 at 2:26 PM
Subject: ALERT: stunning protectionist mercantilism
To: [U.S. Chamber officials]

ALERT                       

I believe the outlook for the U.S. economy could be shifting. An article in this morning’s Wall Street Journal makes clear that instead of reversing the dollar’s decline and inflationary pressures, the White House and the Fed are actually encouraging a further fall of the dollar. Amazing. This means more inflation, a potential Fed overshoot on interest rates, and a slow-down and possible recession in 2007. None of this was necessary. We’ve had a very robust economy since mid-2003, and it could have easily continued. Debasing the dollar in a misguided protectionist attempt to reduce the trade deficit is hugely counterproductive. I warned of this possibility in my February memo but held out hope that the Fed and Treasury would reverse its inflationary/weak-dollar course in time to blunt these effects. No such luck.

What this means: The Chamber should prepare for a slow-down/recession in 2007-08. We should prepare for an inflationary environment. This policy means gas prices will probably stay high or go HIGHER. Some auto and manufacturing companies could benefit in the very short term, but overall this is bad for the larger economy, especially for technology and financial firms and for entrepreneurs. When the Fed figures out what’s going on, it will have to raise interest rates more than if it had gotten ahead of the curve in 2004-05. Commodity based businesses will continue to do well for a while, with intellectual property based businesses being hit the hardest. Eventually a recession would hurt everyone.

Currency volatility will also discourage international trade and investment, which could lead to slower global growth.

I’ll continue to think about what this means and how the Chamber should prepare.

Best,

Bret

Most of this scenario came to pass. Oil and commodity prices rocketed. Subprime loans, fueled by easy weak-dollar credit, kept flowing through 2006 and 2007. And the U.S., we now know, hit recession in “2007-08.”

Only the mechanism was a bit off. With elevated inflation, real interest rates never got very high — certainly not to the point that normally causes recessions. But the bursting of the adjustable-rate housing bubble, enabled by weak-dollar easy money, and the ensuing credit crisis had the same effect as a high real Fed Funds rate.

Many of the easy money mistakes had already been made by the Fed in 2003-2005. But this crucial period in 2006, when the U.S. government doubled down on a misguided weak-dollar strategy, told foreign capital to stay away, directly devalued all dollar assets, accelerated the financial collapse, and destabilized the globe. 

Please, Mr. Paulson, enough with the currency lectures.

(You can find a much more detailed history of the whole era within this longish economic history of China (1978-2008) or this shorter article.)

The Anti-Innovation Bailout

Tom Hazlett tells it like it is:

The real problem entailed by the auto-maker subsidies will never be discussed because it can never be seen. The opportunity cost of shovelling capital to companies such as GM is that companies such as Boeing or United Technologies or Disney or start-ups unknown will be unable to use it to fund their projects. Propping up today’s US car manufacturers means beating down tomorrow’s economic star. In an era of technological leaps, those emergent stars tend to be leapers. The bail-out puts the public’s chips on the former, pulling stakes from innovative rivals.

“Techno-Nationalism”: Debating the “where” of innovation

About 10 days ago I gave a presentation to a D.C. business group on “Innovation: The End? Or a New Beginning?” We got into a discussion of high-end immigration and were in general agreement that we should grant easy green cards to all STEM PhDs educated in the U.S., among other enticements to smart immigrants. One commenter then suggested this was a kind of a zero-sum race between the U.S., China, and India for the world’s human capital.

I replied, however, that the technological, economic, and political advance of China and India is a good thing. Innovation anywhere in the world benefits us, too, if we are open to the global economy. For hundreds of years, North America attracted much or most of the world’s financial and human capital because (1) though imperfect, we were an attractive realm of freedom and (2) much of the rest of the world was so inhospitable to innovation, entrepreneurship, education, and was generally politically intolerant. This massive tilt in our direction is now over. Other parts of the world present more opportunities for entrepreneurship and education, and we’re not going to get all the smart people, no matter how open our immigration laws. Doesn’t mean we shouldn’t try to get the smartest people. Just that there’s going to be lots of innovation and new enterprise in new non-U.S. places, and that overall that’s a good thing.

So I was intrigued when an Economist article on this very topic hit my radar yesterday. Turns out Amar Bhidé of Columbia Business School has written a whole book on the subject: The Venturesome Economy.

So does the relative decline of America as a technology powerhouse really amount to a threat to its prosperity? Nonsense, insists Amar Bhidé of Columbia Business School. In “The Venturesome Economy”, a provocative new book, he explains why he thinks this gloomy thesis misunderstands innovation in several fundamental ways.

First, he argues that the obsession with the number of doctorates and technical graduates is misplaced because the “high-level” inventions and ideas such boffins come up with travel easily across national borders. Even if China spends a fortune to train more scientists, it cannot prevent America from capitalising on their inventions with better business models.

That points to his next insight, that the commercialisation, diffusion and use of inventions is of more value to companies and societies than the initial bright spark. America’s sophisticated marketing, distribution, sales and customer-service systems have long given it a decisive advantage over rivals, such as Japan in the 1980s, that began to catch up with its technological prowess. For America to retain this sort of edge, then, what the country needs is better MBAs, not more PhDs.

A lot to agree with. The addition of China and India to the world economy, with new minds and new centers of research and innovation, make it more likely that new general purpose technologies like the integrated circuit or laser will be invented — maybe the next one will be in the field of biotech or energy, who knows. It will be good for humanity, at least for those open to these inventions and, yes, the commercializers. But how does clustering — like Silicon Valley, where a whole ecosystem of talent, firms, and infrastructure spiral virtuously upward — come into play? Does clustering mean as much as it used to in the age of instant global broadband communication? If technology and the corresponding innovations rapidly diffuse everywhere — and they do — it’s largely a matter of who earns the profits. Who sets the standards. And which governmental jurisdictions get to tax the innovations and entrepreneurs. In nationalist terms, where military and political power derive from economic power, it is largely a competition for tax revenues.

But I think Bhidé, at least in this article (I’ve yet to read the book), still underplays the importance of PhDs or their equivalents who not only make the once-in-a-generation breakthroughs but also do help manufacture and commercialize these inventions. And Bhidé probably overplays the the importance of MBAs, who he says are key to our “consumer” culture. Consumers don’t drive the economy. Entrepreneurs do. Yes, MBAs are good at cleaving consumers from their wallets. But consumption is a function of growth and growth expectations, which depend on entrepreneurial confidence. Supply creates its own demand.

If we had a perfectly globalized, flat, frictionless world — a world of “maximum entropy” — it’s true, the “where” of innovation wouldn’t matter much. And we should basically be shooting for that type of world. After all, I named my blog after it. But until we get there, the “where” of innovation probably matters more than Bhidé would like.

In this game, it’s the farsighted innovators and consumers, who want free trade and tax competition, against the all-too-often shortsighted politicians, who seek the short-term advantage of protectionism, tax gouges (which can only be achieved through tax harmonization cartels), and “energy independence” campaigns. It takes real wisdom to understand that China’s or India’s gain is also our own.

Quote of the Day

“we have more people in military bands than we have Foreign Service officers.”

— Robert Gates, current and future Secretary of Defense, in what is sure to be an oft-cited quote as the Obama Administration unveils a new diplomatic offensive.

“Googlephobia”: An Unholy Alliance

My colleague Adam Thierer with an excellent post warning of the coming war on Google:

So, here we have Wu raising the specter of search engine bias and Lessig raising the specter of Google-as-panopticon. And this comes on top of groups like EPIC and CDT calling for more regulation of the online advertising marketplace in the name of protecting privacy.  Alarm bells must be going off at the Googleplex. But we all have reason to be concerned because greater regulation of Google would mean greater regulation of the entire code / application layer of the Net.  It’s bad enough that we likely have greater regulation of the infrastructure layer on the way thanks to Net neutrality mandates. We need to work hard to contain the damage of increased calls for government to get it’s hands all over every other layer of the Net.

Sensational Science Book

Here’s my brief Amazon review of Louisa Gilder’s new book The Age of Entanglement:

The creative and insightful history of science’s next big thing
November 30, 2008
by Bret Swanson

Louisa Gilder’s new book is about abstract science and the very real people who clash (and collaborate) over its truth and meaning. The Age of Entanglement is an old story with a new perspective, a dramatic new telling — and a new ending. An ending that shows Einstein was right and launches quantum physics toward its next great chapter. 

All the old characters are here — Bohr, Heisenberg, Schrödinger (who coined the word “entanglement”), Pauli, Born, Dirac, de Broglie, and of course Einstein, who thought “spooky action at a distance” was implausible yet found Bohr’s entire quantum mechanical philosophy even less convincing. Unlike other tellings, however, Gilder vividly deploys their actual words from speeches, papers, letters, and memoirs to recreate the intense conversations and rancorous debates that toppled the Newtonian world. Our new understanding of entanglement, moreover, changes the very nature of the old quantum debates. Gilder’s description of Schrödinger’s epiphany that led to his wave equation is almost euphorically exciting and inspiring. 

Despite the quantum revolution, big questions remained, questions that only Einstein, Schrödinger and few others had the courage to raise. And now enters the new cast — Robert Oppenheimer, John von Neumann, David Bohm, Richard Feynman, and the particle smashing Irishman John Bell, who from the early 1960s through his untimely death in 1990 showed entanglement was real. Bell is perhaps the most-important-little-known physicist, and Gilder brings the late CERN engineer-theorist to life just as his work has become the most-cited in all of physics and is breaking out across the scientific and technological frontiers. 

From Vienna, Solvay, and Copenhagen to Rio, Princeton, Berkeley, Geneva, and back to Vienna, the reader is there for Bell’s intuitive breakthrough that brought the 1935 Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paper out of laughable obscurity back to forefront of the debate (EPR argued that quantum mechanics was incomplete). And you are in the basement room where the experimentalists John Clauser and Dick Holt constructed the awkward tubular photon-counter that first proved the entanglement that years later multi-kilometer fiber-optic rings around Geneva would show with even greater precision. 

Waves or particles, statistics or reality, mind or matter, information or physics, these are some of the biggest questions we know. This is the mystery of the entanglement that, although still not fully understood, is even now spawning new technologies like quantum cryptography and quantum computing and which, as you will find at the end of Gilder’s great book, somehow connects the universe across the generations. 

— Bret Swanson 

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Here is Gilder (on page 242) recounting a typically rich offering from the understated but always logical John Bell:

Bell looked at Jauch as if he wasn’t quite certain the other hadn’t been making a joke. “I have a question about complementarity,” he said, in the voice of one who is changing the topic slightly. “Because it seems to me that Bohr used the word with the reverse of its usual meaning.” He grinned, tipping he head to the side. “Consider, for example, the elephant. From the front she is head, trunk, and two legs. From the back she is bottom, tail, and two legs. From the sides she is otherwise, and from the top and bottom different again. These various views are complementary in the usual sense of the word. The supplement one another, they are consistent with one another, and they are all entailed by the unifying concept `elephant.'” Bell’s hands gestured to suggest this. His eyebrows then lowered. “But Bohr, Bohr wouldn’t — it’s my impression that to suppose Bohr used the word in this ordinary way would have been regarded by him as missing his point and trivializing his thought. He seems to insist rather that we must use in our analysis elements which contradict one another, which do not add up to, or derive from, a whole. By `complementary’ he meant, it seems to me, the reverse: contradictariness.”

Committee for Self Promotion

Time, February 15, 1999

Time, February 15, 1999

Robert Rubin famously was part of the “Committee to Save the World,” so dubbed by Time magazine, as he, Alan Greenspan, and Larry Summers supposedly prevented the Asian flu of 1997-98 from spreading around the globe.

But finally — finally — the mainstream press is wondering whether Rubin’s reputation over the years was justified. From today’s Wall Street Journal:

Mr. Rubin’s salary made him one of Wall Street’s highest-paid officials — and a controversial figure among Citigroup shareholders and some executives, who questioned whether his limited duties justified the big paydays.

“Even though he has no ‘operating’ responsibilities, he still has a fiduciary responsibility as a board member,” said William Smith, a New York money manager and frequent critic of Citigroup’s current management and board. “He has overseen the entire meltdown, yet been compensated as an operating employee while bragging about having no operating responsibility.” Mr. Rubin can’t “have it both ways,” Mr. Smith added.

Somehow, the most central factor — the fundamental cause — of both the late-90s Asian meltdown and our current crisis — namely monetary and dollar policy — has escaped much criticism. Yes, the argument that Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke held interest rates too low for too long in the 2003-06 period can now be discussed in polite company. But it often is thought to be peripheral, or more often it just gets lost in all the chaos.

The late-90s mistake was just the opposite of this decade’s easy-credit mistake, with predictable mirror image effects. Back then, Greenspan and Rubin held a super-tight squeeze on dollars, pushing the dollar ever higher versus foreign currencies and commodities, crushing all dollar-debtors across the globe, from Thailand, Indonesia, and Korea, to Turkey, Russia, and Argentina. The world’s capital abandoned hard assets and flooded into the U.S. in general and into our soft, intellectual assets like Microsoft, Cisco, and dot-coms in particular. Eventually, after the “Committee to Save the World” had worked its magic and basked in its cover-boy status, the deflationary Greenspan/Rubin policy in 2000 toppled the U.S. markets, too. 

Mr. Rubin likes to offer his wisdom “in an uncertain world” — the title of his memoir. But the world would be much less uncertain if the Rubin-Greenspan-Bernanke-Snow-Paulson monetary/dollar policy weren’t so manic.

P.S. Yes, to reiterate, these are supreme cases of the arsonist posing as heroic fireman.

2D Foreign Policy

I think this is about as good a way to frame the foreign policy debate as you’re going to find — at least in two dimensions. (hat tip: Ross Douthat)

A big problem these last few years was the unusual — and quite destructive — alliance, or at least confluence of interests, between the neocon Wilsonians and the conservative Jacksonians. (Others might even say the Wilsonians slyly co-opted the worst instincts of the Jacksonians to achieve their policy goals.) It would appear at first glance that these groups are opposites, but that’s partly a defect in this 2D model. There are lots of meeting points among Hamiltonians and Jeffersonians, too, that aren’t apparent from a quick look at the chart.

To expand the chart’s analytical power, we’d need to add a dimension or two. For example, Hamiltonians are “extroverted” commercially, while Wilsonians are “extroverted” militarily. But that distinction isn’t entirely captured by the “idealist/realist” duality.

Hacks, grownups, etc.

Greg Mankiw agrees with Paul Krugman that Obama’s econ team so far is impressive but firmly rejects, with some objective references, Krugman’s assertion that Bush’s economists were “hacks and cronies.”

Mankiw’s right that Harvey Rosen, Ed Lazear, and Glenn Hubbard, among others, are highly-respected, first-rate economists. Too bad a few simple, bad decisions — like the indefensible and disastrous weak-dollar policy pushed by otherwise smart people like John Taylor and Martin Feldstein — completely swamped the demonstrably positive yield of Bush’s tax cuts.

We will be teasing out the different strands of Bush economic policy for a very long time.

Quote of the Day

O Lord that lends me life,
Lend me a heart replete with thankfulness.

— William Shakespeare

“End run the jerks and bullies”

Another plug for Rich Karlgaard’s blog reboot. His first post is about the moment he fell in love with innovation.

“Where Was Geithner?”

Andrew Ross Sorkin asks a good question, and some Wall Streeters answered.

“We have only two things to say about Tim Geithner, who we do not know: A.I.G. and Lehman Brothers,” said Christopher Whalen of Institutional Risk Analytics. “Throw in the Bear Stearns/Maiden Lane fiasco for good measure,” he said.

“All of these ‘rescues’ are a disaster for the taxpayer, for the financial markets and also for the Federal Reserve System as an organization. Geithner, in our view, deserves retirement, not promotion.”

And perhaps the biggest bungle of them all:

It was Mr. Geithner, not Mr. Paulson, for example, who put together the original rescue plan for the American International Group.

AIG could probably have been saved with a bridge loan. But the government took 80% of the company. AIG set the precedent for wiping out equity shareholders and put other financial firms on the precipice and put a target on their back for short-seller snipers. In combination with a series of other errors — clearly not all Geithner’s fault or doing — this move helped undo Wall Street and continues to wreak havoc among insurance companies. 

It does appear that we are finally getting some much needed action on mortgage rates. Instead of focusing on “foreclosures,” the Treasury should have told Fannie and Freddie to lower their commitment rate, which would have automatically brought down mortgage rates, which have not followed the 10-year Treasury down. Lower mortgage rates could help restart turnover in the housing market and thus relieve much of the worst-case uncertainty in the MBS and larger credit markets. With the 10-year close to 3%, we could get 30-year mortgage rates into the mid-4s. Let’s hope, after lots of bumbling and fumbling, they’re finally moving in this direction.

Getting Jacked Up in Three Dimensions

I’ve written a lot about what comes after high-definition (HD) video. New concepts like Ultra-HD from Japanese company NHK and IMAX-at-Home from Hewlett-Packard could be real by the middle of next decade. But that great TV innovator the National Football League is already ahead of the game.

Next week, a game between the San Diego Chargers and the Oakland Raiders will be broadcast live in 3-D to theaters in Los Angeles, New York and Boston. It is a preliminary step on what is likely a long road to any regular 3-D broadcasts of football games.

Shlaes v. Krugman

Amity Shlaes, author of the terrific The Forgotten Man, a new history of the Great Depression, responds to criticism from Paul Krugman.

Dr Krugman makes a second charge, that I misrepresent John Maynard Keynes by associating Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society with Keynes when the Great Society was a social and not an economic program. In 1964 Johnson pledged to build a Great Society with an emphasis on social improvement in his Great Society speech, just as Dr Krugman said. My point was that the political engine of the 1960s treated any spending, including Great Society spending, as a stimulus. Keynesianism defined the very lexicon of policy – that is why Milton Friedman said “we are all Keynesians now.” TIME even gave Keynes a cover: “The Keynesian Influence on the Expansionist Economy,” read the banner in the corner. Keynesianism was crucial window dressing for the Great Society show. Spending on all sides became permissible, and that only made sense if you cared less about deficits and more about growth – Keynesianism. Thus in July 1965, after many pieces of new legislation, The New York Times was writing headlines such as: “Johnson Policy Will seek to Prolong Boom: Administration Commits Itself to Spur Economy by Tax Cut or New Spending…” The same story has Johnson saying his new budget would “include sharp increases in spending from programs enacted during the past few years.”

No Bang for Big Bucks

Greg Mankiw wonders about Obama’s stimulus plan: $280,000 per job?

Even by Keynesian standards, that’s pathetic.

Quote of the Day II

“tax increases appear to have a very large, sustained, and highly significant negative impact on output.”

“tax cuts have very large and persistent positive output effects.”

tax cuts do “not have any clear impact on revenues at horizons beyond about two years.”

Christina Romer, Berkeley economist and Obama appointee as chair of the Council of Economic Advisors, in two working papers, the most recent versions of which are very timely: November 2008 and July 2008.

« Previous PageNext Page »